NT Discourse

July 3, 2009

Update

Filed under: Personal, Theoretical Framework — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 8:00 am

Tomorrow is the illustrious anniversary of when formerly loyal British subjects declared their intention to form a sovereign nation in 1776. The Revolutionary War ensued, and eventually we Americans defeated the British. About 100 years later, Canada and Australia both moved toward independence, yet in a friendlier sort of way. As a result, the latter two are still considered part of the British Commonwealth, and can qualify quite easily for resident status at British institutions.  The Americans? We fought and won, so we get to pay full price for tuition. Like I tell my kids, there are natural consequences for your decisions.

This July 4th marks a new chapter for me, working diligently to slow down the pace of my life, and to strike a better balance between work and leisure. I have moved from no leisure to some modicum, which my analyst assures me represents real progress. One aspect of the leisure will be a return to blogging grammar. It has been a “happy place” in times past, as long as the commenters behave themselves. As I mentioned in my last post, I am about ready to close the book on Greek research projects at work for a while, and will begin an analysis of discourse features in the Hebrew Bible.

October 3, 2006, I began work on what became the Lexham Discourse Greek New Testament. I had attempted to teach discourse studies enough to realize that few people had either the time or aptitude to competently master various aspects of discourse grammar, especially information structure or “word order”. The LDGNT provides an annotated database of the most useful and easily understood discourse devices that I had come across in my research, as well as some new ones derived from my dissertation work. The database allows people to familiar with the discourse devices to interact with the database as they would with any specialized commentary.  The database provides much wider access to insights from discourse, especially for those that will not specialize in this area of study. Instead of doing an analysis from scratch “without a net”, they can interact with my analysis. If they disagree with my analysis, they will likely end up interacting with exegetical questions might otherwise have been overlooked. There is a brief introduction that comes with the LDGNT, but something more was needed.

For several months in 2008 I argued for the need for a discourse grammar that provided a more complete introduction to the LDGNT, something suitable for use in a Greek tools class or alongside Wallace’s GGBtB in second year Greek. I was granted my wish, but with a caveat. I could write as much as I wanted, as long as the draft book was completed in 90 calendar days (not working days). After working on a table of contents, I counter-offered with 100 days, from Memorial Day in May to Labor Day in September. Thus on Labor Day 2008, I had completed a draft of Discourse Grammar of the Greek New Testament: A Practical Introduction for Teaching and Exegesis. My SBL paper from the fall also was incorporated into the text, bringing me to about 120 days. I do not want to repeat that gauntlet, but it was quite a ride while it lasted.

Discourse Grammar in print

The Discourse Grammar will be published, both electronically and in print by Logos (for now), and should be shipping by mid-August. Logos will produce short runs of a paperback version of the text until someone comes along and makes us a better offer. Dead-tree publishers are not as nimble as the e-folk.

The Discourse Grammar and LDGNT are designed to function as a suite of materials. Once people have read the grammar, they will be able to interact with the analyzed text very productively. I had the opportunity to teach through the material at Knox Theological Seminary in January, and the students found the material very helpful in tackling exegesis for preaching and teaching.

New discourse analysis of the Hebrew Bible

On Tuesday I will begin working on an analysis of the Hebrew Bible comparable to that found in the LDGNT, beginning with the Torah. I also plan on writing a comparable discourse grammar at some point along the way. It would focus on narrative, leaving the volume on poetry for John Hobbins. The start of this Hebrew project means that I will also be posting interesting examples that I find from the application of the discourse principles to Hebrew, not just Greek. And because I have had so much fun comparing synoptic versions for the discourse implications of their differences, I will likely do a little LXX comparison from time to time. For a nice example of what I am talking about regarding the synoptic parallels, check out my interaction with Rod Decker regarding Mark 7:11-12 over at NT Resources.

Upcoming posts

My focus for blogging will be multi-faceted heading into the fall. First and foremost, I will be tackling my paper on the historical present in Greek, focusing as much or more on methodology and theoretical framework as on the actual description. IMHO, the confusion can all be traced back to early aspect-only folks “taking a left turn at Albuquerque.”  My other focus will be Hebrew. I am also presenting a paper for the SBL Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew section on “emphasis.” Again, this one will focus nearly as much on method and presuppositions as on the actual description.

Linguistic descriptions stand or fall on their presuppositions, boys and girls, yet few scholars devote much attention to them let alone disclosing them in one’s research. The linguistic framework that I use is “cross-linguistic”, allowing me to talk about the discourse function across various languages based on its function, not the grammatical form used to accomplish the function. I have blogged on a whole host of devices in the GNT. The Hebrew posts will demonstrate the utility of adopting a cross-linguistic method, connecting back to examples from Greek and English.

Here endeth the preamble. There should be about two posts per week, beginning with issues regarding theoretical frameworks. The next post will look at the downside of treating everything as a binary opposition, whether it fits or not.

June 29, 2009

Independence Day

Filed under: Personal — Steve Runge @ 8:48 pm

Beginning July 4, I will begin blogging again in earnest. I had two SBL papers accepted: one on the historical present in Greek, and the other on the interplay of discontinuity and “emphasis” in Biblical Hebrew. Yes, Mr. Hobbins, we will now be covering Hebrew passages as well.

I finished a project tonight that was a year overdue. Not good being late, very good being done. Also finished up my grading from Knox in January. Now all I need to do is finish the flagstone pavers in the backyard, and I am basically a free man again. I also have new footage of my dog Penny playing chicken with a squirrel. All that and more, so stay tuned. Hopefully a few of you still have me on your RSS feed.

April 29, 2009

I am still alive, just busy

Filed under: Personal — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 8:57 am

I was trying to learn what I could about the Tyrannus that is mentioned in Acts 19.9. I came across a wonderful quote in Anchor Bible Dictionary that was worthy of a quick post.

Williams (Acts GNC, 495) comments: “Since it is difficult (except in certain bleak moments of parenthood) to think of any parent naming his or her child ‘Tyrant,’ the name must have been a nickname given by the man’s students or tenants.”1

I love my two daughters very much, but I also understand the parenthetical comment. I suppose that crusty scholars really DO have a capacity for humor.

  1. David Noel Freedman, The Anchor Bible Dictionary (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c1992), 6:686. []

March 3, 2009

And the request is…

I was reading through Matthew 14 for a project I am working on, and found a fabulous example of “stylistic variation” wherein the writer has drawn out the suspense in wonderful ways. The text comes from the interaction between Herod and the daughter of Herodias, concerning the beheading of John. In Mark’s version of this event, he tells us at the outset that Herod had beheaded John in 6:14, backfilling what had happened in v. 17.

In Matthew’s version, he lets the reader learn about the fate of John as it happens, from a narrative standpoint. There is no mention of beheading before the request is made by Herodias’ daughter. Take a look at how it comes together.

Matthew 14:6-7 (NASB) But when Herod’s birthday came, the daughter of Herodias danced before them and pleased Herod. Thereupon he promised with an oath to give her whatever she asked.

The stage is set that she is going to make a request, it is just a matter of what. Based on Herod’s oath, the sky is very nearly the limit to what it may be. Other than the fact that the account of Herod’s birthday is contiguous with the discussion of the Baptist in vv. 1-5. Verse 5 even makes it sound as though the impasse regarding John’ future is where the discussion of him will end (”And although he wanted to put him to death, he feared the multitude, because they regarded him as a prophet”).

mat-14-8

Regarding Matthew’s style, he nearly always places the verb of speaking introducing a reported speech at the beginning of the speech, not in the middle or end. There are a few exceptions, and 14:8 is one of them. There are predominantly three different ways of adding prominence to something, outlined in my discourse grammar:

§   breaking an established or expected pattern (i.e. markedness),

§   adding redundant information,

§   creating (or magnifying) a discontinuity, delaying whatever it is that follows.

In the case of Matthew 14:8, we have a couple of these factors in play. First, the quotative frame φησίν is inserted in the midst of the quote, rather than at the beginning as is expected. By the time that it occurs, the reader has already read an imperative Δός that would have clued them in that there has been an shift from narrative to reported speech. We are expecting a request based on Herod’s offer. So by the time we actually get to the quotative frame φησίν, it serves more of a disambiguating function rather than really being semantically required to know what is going on.

It is not just the placement of the quotative frame in the midst of the speech that is significant. Look at where it is placed. We are expecting a request, and we get it. However, the item that is requested is delayed until after the quotative frame. What’s more, it is delayed until after the pro-adverb ὧδε and the prepositional phrase ἐπὶ πίνακι. Both of these items are considered adjuncts, meaning they are not needed to complete the thought of the clause. Instead, they offer extra description. Adjuncts typically follow the complements (i.e. direct object, in this case), rather than vice versa.

The effect of phrasing Matthew 14:8 in this way is to use various delay tactics of grammar to draw out the moment, just as one might do during the Oscars having to tear open an envelope, or having a drum roll. Placing the quotative frame somewhere other than the beginning of the speech stands out, as does the use of a historical present. The ordering of the complement and the adjuncts further contributes to the delay. We knew something was going to be requested, and the fact that Herodias puts in her two cents heightens our interest even more. The net result is a skillfully shaped disclosure of information to best accomplish the writer’s purposes. Based on the fact that Mark uses a whole different strategy of disclosure supports the notion that each writer had unique objectives.

I have been reading through the Shepherd of Hermas as night, and there the quotative frames frequently are found in the midst of the speech. Next time you come across a non-initial verb of speaking, take a closer look at where it falls and what effect this placement has on the overall clause. If you have other examples of such usage, post it in a comment for others to read.

February 27, 2009

Analyze that

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 2:42 pm

For those that liked the last post, I would point you to a nice little ditty by Mike Aubrey from yesterday.

February 26, 2009

Analyze this

Filed under: Thematic Highlighting, Uncategorized — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 11:09 am

Okay, tell me how it is that the humor of this picture comes about. What is going on under the linguistic hood to make this funny?
engrish-funny-rip-you-off

If you think you have an answer, leave a comment. And Mike, let someone else answer first.

February 14, 2009

Markedness and patterns

Filed under: Theoretical Framework — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 6:49 am

The one last element of significance to discuss regarding markedness is the power of pattern recognition (the posts on markedness begin here). I make the point in the introduction of the Discourse Grammar (sec. 1.4) that most devices that are used to assign prominence exploit an established pattern or expectation of some kind. When the pattern is broken, when the expectation is unmet, the element that brings this about end up standing out. BTW, since it is Valentine’s Day, beware of not meeting expectations! This is not the kind of way that you want to stand out. Be sure to stand out in a good way.

Below is a video clip from America’s Funniest Videos that I used at Knox to illustrate the power of patterns. In this instance, the break in the pattern has the effect of increasing the comical element, though we all undoubtedly have heaps of compassion for the poor critter at the end, right? But here’s my point (forward-pointing reference for dramatic build-up): if the video had only shown the last sheep, I doubt it would have made the cut to appear on the program. Without the first two sheep, we would have been left on our own to know what to expect. Without the proper expectation, you would not have the same degree of contrast, meaning the last sheep would not have stood out so starkly. The power of establish patterns is what brings about this effect. The first two sheep explicitly establish a pattern that is broken in a big way by the last one. Hence, it stands out. We will be applying this same principle regarding expectations in explaining why and how it is that the historical present stands out as it does.

The next video contains a panda sneezing. The same principles are at work. The long pause while you wait for something to happen establishes a pattern. Even though you are expecting a sneeze, you do not know which one will do it. The effect, the sneeze stands out all the more when it happens, and is all the more funny because of the long pause.

I bet you never guessed that discourse principles could parse humor! It is powerful stuff, and has to do with how God has wired us to process things, beit grammar of YouTube videos.

With a basic foundation in place, we will next look at insights that can be gained from traditional explanations of the historical present. A few babies need to be brought back into the building that were hucked out the window with the bath water. This will be my next task. Rescuing babies sounds much more noble than a literature review, doesn’t it?

February 5, 2009

Markedness summary for the Historical present

Filed under: Historical present — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 5:58 am

Here is a chart to summarize the discussion of the regarding the what is marked by the various forms of the Greek verb. The next step will be to start drilling down on the distribution of the present forms themselves.

Verb form Imperfective Aspect Remoteness Proximity
Aorist

Ø

Ø

Ø

Imperfect

+

+

-

Present

+

-

+

Recall that according to Decker’s stats on the present usage in Mark, the historical (134x) rivals the present/proximate/non-remote (152x). This means that we have an overlap in the distribution of what is expected, with the present being used for in both “+ remote” and ” – remote” contexts. If the core meaning of the present is – remoteness/+ Proximate, then what is marked by the non-default usage? This anomaly in the data will be the focus of our attention in the coming days, so stay tuned. Thanks to Mike Aubrey for suggesting that I use charts to summarize.

Verb form + Remoteness – Remoteness
Present 134x 152x

You may have noticed the omission of the perfect form from the first chart. Leave a comment if you have a proposal about how it should be described, and whether another constraint needs to be added.

February 4, 2009

Markedness, Part 3

Filed under: Theoretical Framework — Tags: , — Steve Runge @ 7:20 am

This post continues a series that provides an introduction to markedness theory in preparation for its application to a description of the historical present in the gospel of Mark. The first post described the basic organizational framework provided by an asymmetrical view of markedness. The approach allows complex sets of data to be broken down into simpler sets of relations. The second post covered the importance of differentiating marked from unmarked, whereby the unmarked or “default” form becomes the basis for describing the other forms. Based on the focus of the historical present, most of the discussion will be focused on the indicative mood.

Based on its simplicity and its frequency, the aorist was selected as the unmarked or default form around which this asymmetrical explanation of the verb forms is organized.  Saying it is the default means that it serves as the canon against which the other forms will be described.The aorist is unmarked for imperfectivity. Imperfectivity may or may not be present, nothing in the form signals whether it is present or not. It is for this reason that so many different senses are attributed to the aorist by Greek grammarians. It portrays the action as an undifferentiated whole, nothing more. If the writer had wanted to draw attention to the imperfective nature of an action, i.e. to explicitly mark this feature as present, he would need to use a form (or some other adverbial modifier) that explicitly marks it. In Koine, this verb form would be the imperfect or present. Both explicitly mark imperfectivity.

If the aorist is the unmarked member of the set, we need to explain what is marked by the other forms in order to differentiate them from the aorist and from each other. I noted that the aorist is generally viewed as expressing perfective aspect, viewing the action as an undifferentiated whole. In contrast, the present and imperfect forms are typically described as expressing imperfective aspect, viewing the action as ongoing or incomplete. In this way, the present and imperfect can be meaningfully differentiated from the aorist as “+ imperfective”. I cited some examples from Wallace under the heading of “ingressive aorist” where actions that are understood to be incomplete are portrayed as an undifferentiated whole (other factors in the context might lead one to the exegetical conclusion that the action is ingressive, not the verb form itself.) This potentially ingressive usage is consistent with the idea of being “unmarked” for the feature “imperfective”. It may or may not be present. In contrast, use of the present or imperfect both explicitly mark the presence of this feature.

The next question concerns how to differentiate the imperfect form from the present form. What does each form uniquely mark? This is where the food fight typically begins and you need to call the principal in to break it up. You may not have noticed, but there has been a sizable amount of discussion about whether Koine Greek is a tense-based language, like English, or whether it is aspect-based. The work of McKay, Porter, Decker and Campbell have convincingly proven that it is not tense-based, in the way that English is. However, based on the arguments posed, and my understanding from the broader linguistic literature, I remain unconvinced that Greek lacks any kind of temporal meaning in the verb forms. Indeed, it is not tense-based like English. But tense and aspect form a continuum, not a binary opposition.1 Showing that Greek is not tense-prominent like English does not eliminate the presence of tense in the verb forms. To be sure, Greek is aspect-prominent, but the question of how much tense-making is present (no pun intended) remains an open one. Showing that a tense-prominent explanation is untenable is insufficient to prove that tense is not expressed in Greek verb forms.

It is not my goal (though it will likely end up happening) to enter into the broader food fight about the tense-aspect issue. In the name of full and honest disclosure in keeping with the incoming Obama administration, I wanted you to know where I stand on the issue.2 Regardless of which side of this debate you find yourself on, I will be an equal-opportunity grammarian and respect both sides of the fence. Based on the aspect-only data, this will not be difficult to do in differentiating the imperfect from the present. If there is any form in the Greek language that has some kind of tense marking, it is the present/imperfect opposition. Based on the distributional data, I view the primary difference between these forms to be one of tense. The aspect-only folks also see a clear distributional distinction between these forms, but they describe it in terms of “remoteness” or “proximity”, where this is not explicitly in reference to temporal remoteness or proximity. Whether you call it tense or remoteness/proximity, this is the opposition that I will be focusing on. We need not agree on the nature of the differentiation, we need only agree that there is a differentiation.

I mentioned in the markedness and nesting post that one can take a set that is marked for something, and sub-divide it further into a more fine-grained analysis. The members of a highest or super set can be sub-divided. Just as in the super-set, one selects the most basic form or usage as the default for the new set. However, it is the default for the sub-set only, not the super set. One then considers how the other forms or usage differ from the default. The asymmetrical approach is a powerful tool. This sub-division and categorization is where we are heading with the description of the present usage. Some descriptions of the present form have sought to capture all of the data (including the historical) into a single lexical meaning of the form. If one includes the historical present data in this description, in my opinion,  it will obscure the core lexical meaning of the form. The key to proper and accurate descriptions is finding the most meaningful groupings for the data. If two meaningful groups are mingled together, it will muddle the accuracy of the description.

If the historical present is truly a marked usage of the present, if it is really meant to stand out from the default usage because of how it breaks from the expected core meaning associated with the form, then it must be handled on this basis–as exceptional usage and not as core usage. If one indeed breaks out the historical usage in their description of the present, it will dramatically affect the core meaning that one derives from the data. It is not a question of whether the holistic description is right or wrong. The key question is which description more accurately captures the core meaning expressed by the form. I contend that excluding the historical usage as exceptional (read marked) allows one to more accurately ascertain the core meaning associated with the present form. If the historical present really fit closely with this hypothetical core meaning, then it would not have stood out as exception over the centuries. And remember, to call something marked in the asymmetrical approach is not to say it is the least frequently occurring form. According to Decker’s stats on the present usage in Mark, the historical (134x) rivals the present/proximate/non-remote (152x).3

Alas, I am getting ahead of myself. Please grant me one more post to develop this idea before assailing me. I will be treating the historical present as a marked use of the form, meant to stand out from the expected pattern. I will argue that it stands out on the basis of both tense and aspect4 For the aspect-only folks,I would say that the HP stands out on the basis of remoteness/proximity and aspect. Again, we need not agree whether there is tense or not to move forward in this discussion. If you want to rant about the lunacy of my viewing any tense being present (pun intended), do it at home on your own blog. I, your benevolent dictator, will police the comments on this one rather closely. It is not personal, just business.  Stay tuned for more.

Isn’t markedness wonderful?

  1. Cf. D.N.S. Bhat, The prominence of tense, aspect and mood (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1999) for a very helpful discussion of this matter, particularly the chapter on tense-prominent languages. []
  2. I have also paid all of my taxes. No untaxed limo rides for me! []
  3. Decker, Temporal Deixis of the Greek Verb in the Gospel of  Mark with Reference to Verbal Aspect, 99. []
  4. Kudos to Randall Buth for pointing this out. Thanks Randy. []

February 2, 2009

An unjust accusation!

Filed under: Personal — Tags: — Steve Runge @ 2:53 pm

I have been accused of may things, but never, NEVER such a thing as this that arrived on my blog yesterday. I hesitate to even post such salacious content for fear of the repercussions. Esteban, this is for you, my gentle snow flake. Here is the quote:

“Did done rung bad language?”

I know I leave typos and participles dangling, but this is just….just too funny. Thanks for brightening my day, whoever you are.

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